Exploring the possibilities of non-violent reform in Zimbabwe

When Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in as the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe in a loose coalition with Robert Mugabe, there was hope that his presence could influence reform in the country. This government is only a few months old but it has become clearer that ZANU PF is not willing to give up its autocratic hold on power. It has become necessary again to take a closer look at past and present events and try to predict the likely course of future events. This way, pro-democratic forces in Zimbabwe may live conscious of what may become of them or may be required of them when such events begin to unfold.

There is substantial evidence that MDC holds minimal power in the current setup. Examples that quickly crop up are the continual invasion of farms at the instigation of ZANU PF leadership despite calls by the Prime Minister for them to stop. MDC members continue to be persecuted and harassed by ZANU PF supporters with no action from the police. The Reserve Bank continues to engage in quasi-fiscal projects despite Finance Minister Biti’s order. Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono and Attorney General Johannes Tomana are still occupying their positions despite MDC’s protestations. Robert Mugabe continues to make key appointments to government unilaterally and most of those appointments have stood. So, it could be argued that ZANU PF is still the core of the Zimbabwe Government with MDC coming in as auxiliaries.

It is also evident that little reform to the political and economic systems of the country has occurred since the Unity Government was formed. The constitution-making process has stalled amidst claims that ZANU PF is sabotaging the process. Draconian laws like AIPPA and POSA are still being used to maintain the state’s grip on civil liberties. Government-assisted hostile takeovers of businesses are still common in the country. There has been a noticeable change though in the economic climate of the country since the introduction of the United States Dollar as the official trading currency. Most notably is the massive decrease in inflation and an end to shortages of basic commodities in the country. There is little hope that substantial reforms will be instituted in the near future given the public contradictions in beliefs held by the two parties.

Given the little influence that MDC seems to be holding in the GNU, it is also evident that its presence in this government is unlikely to bring much positive reform to the country. Changes in ZANU PF on the other hand seem more likely to bring considerable reform in the political and economic terrain of the country. Let us explore such changes, their likelihood and their likely impact on the country:

Voluntary reorganization of ZANU PF

This explicitly refers to change of leadership within ZANU PF. People have discussed the need to revamp and restructure the party particularly the succession of its geriatric leader Robert Mugabe. A wholesome change of leaders in ZANU PF might result in the party being led by reform-minded young people who appreciate the need for contemporary reforms and modernisation of the political and economic systems of the country.

Are there people like that in ZANU PF? This question is hard to answer when looking at the current crop of the party’s leadership even from its youth ranks. There are a number of people who were nurtured by ZANU PF who eventually decided to leave it because of its unwillingness to embrace change. This can point to the presence of people within its system who may not be averse to reformist ideas.

How likely is this change? Succession in ZANU PF is not an idea that can be thrown around without scars and scalps. When Eddison Zvobgo brought the issue of Mugabe’s succession in 1990; the results were not pleasant. He was sidelined from government and his closest ally Dzikamai Mavhaire was suspended from the party for 2 years. The infamous Tsholotsho Declaration was allegedly hacked by some senior members in ZANU PF to influence the structure of the presidium. The results were not pleasant; six provincial chairmen were suspended from the party and eventually Jonathan Moyo had to leave ZANU PF. Currently, there is commotion over the successor to Joseph Msika with the old guard again throwing spanners to ensure that another geriatric takes over.

As convenient as it may sound, there is no indication that the executive of ZANU PF is willing to retire and leave power to younger and competent people. Moves by certain sections of ZANU PF to declare Mugabe the Supreme Leader of the party may as well signal that Mugabe wants to die in office.

It can therefore be concluded that the possibility of ZANU PF reorganisation in the lifetime of Robert Mugabe is close to impossible.

Forced reform of government

There are situations where a government can be forced to reform due to unsustainable internal and external pressure. The reformation of the Soviet system in the 90’s was a result of both the constraints that the global economy was placing on its government and the overwhelming reformist sentiments shown by the massive support that Boris Yeltsin got when he became president in 1990. Pressure from within and without also helped bring down authoritarian rule in Hungary, East German and South Africa.

Is domestic pressure feasible in Zimbabwe? In 1989, Arthur Mutambara and Munyaradzi Gwisai led University of Zimbabwe students in protests against ZANU PF’s intention to impose a one-party state in the country. They were arrested and brutalised. So was Morgan Tsvangirai when he wrote to the Herald newspaper in support of the two.

When food prices rose by about 40% in 1998, people decided to take to the streets in protest. There were reports of a massive crackdown is high density suburbs of Chitungwiza, Budiriro and Glen View by the army and police to quash any dissent.

From 2000 to 2003 ZCTU and MDC led a number of successful boycotts to force the government to reform. Successful in terms of popular response but rather ineffective in forcing the government to change. It appears as though, these earlier demonstrations and boycotts served to sensitize the regime towards the use of brutal force as a means of containing dissent. The response with which the regime quelled the June 2003 Final-Push goes to show that the system had completed its mutation into a senseless, brutal and unashamed dictatorship with no respect for life at all.

To cap this revolutionary mutation, the establishment went own to disintegrate the social and economic livelihood of its people through operation Murambatsvina. This was clandestinely aimed at silencing the opposition’s powerbase although hidden behind claims of cleaning up the Harare.

If this was under disguise, then the ruthlessness that was blatantly shown in June 2008 run-off elections was a show of how the regime was prepared to kill those who did not submit to its existence.

Despite the culture of resistance that Zimbabweans had developed in the first five years of this decade, ZANU PF managed to beat them into submission. The globalisation of world economy did not help matters too as the middle-class which is usually the most vocal in such situations was the first to flee the country followed by a massive exodus of the generally populace into surrounding countries.

Only a people that had been brutalised into submission remained of Zimbabwe. Their only hope was elections. They voted overwhelmingly for change but their vote did not count. Today they are again stuck with the same violent regime with no hope whatsoever.

It seems as though it is impossible to challenge the system with bare hands. Any further challenge to ZANU PF seems to require that people arm themselves or that they totally lose the fear of death. These are hard choices.

International pressure through disengagement and sanctions has been instituted on Zimbabwe by USA, The EU and Australia. Sanctions are designed to force the targeted government or institution to change. Sanctions on Zimbabwe although designed to target specific individuals had other far reaching consequences on the general populace of Zimbabwe.

Instead of forcing the regime to bow out, sanctions actually gave them an excuse to act irresponsibly and ruthlessly. One example is when Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe diverted about $4, 5 million from Global Fund on HIV, TB and Malaria towards other unknown activities. The result was that donors found it hard to channel resources into the country resulting in massive starvation and health crises.

The government seemed to respond to sanctions by sanctioning its own people too. In 2008 at the height of food shortages, they barred relief agencies from operating in the country. They further barred World Vision, Care International and Catholic Relief Services from moving food from Zambia into Zimbabwe.

What could have contributed to the ineffectiveness of sanctions in forcing reform was the inability by Zimbabwe’s neighbours and other African states to augment western efforts. Only Botswana, Kenya and Tanzania seemed willing to apply pressure on Mugabe.

So, can international pressure force change in future? Sanctions can hopefully bring change in Zimbabwe if they are a concerted global initiative which every country is obliged to observe. The ideological differences amongst members of the UN Security Council remain an impediment. The unwillingness of Zimbabwe’s neighbours to support sanctions is based mostly on reluctance to commit resources to sustain the burden of refugees who would be anticipated to cross into those countries.

Apart from sanctions, international pressure can indirectly be applied on the current regime by constantly and lucratively supporting alternatives in the country. As an example, students’ relief schemes can be put in place to assist those students persecuted by the regime. This would not only assist courageous students but would also serve as incentives for more students to come out and challenge the regime.

It has become hard to find people who are willing to challenge the government through non-violent means; but with proper education and assurances of alternatives people of Zimbabwe may rise again but not within the foreseeable future.


Circumstantial changes in ZANU PF leadership

What will happen if Mugabe dies today? There are many scenarios: The Vice President Amai Mujuru can constitutionally be elevated to the post of President and take care of the transition. A rational woman with limited ego could be what Zimbabwe needs to manage the pressures that may arise from such a situation. What if Emmerson Munangagwa - the current Minister of Defence- decides to challenge her? Remembering that The Tsholotsho Declaration was meant to impede the rise Joyce Mujuru, their rivalry is documented.

If Munangagwa decides to challenge Joice Mujuru, two things may occur; she can give in or decide to fight. If she gives in then Munangagwa becomes the President and given his history of brutality; from the persecution of the Hamadziripi group in the late 1970s, his involvement in the Matebeleland massacres and his subsequent involvement in the 2008 elections, then Zimbabweans would most probably have to brace for a tougher time.

If Joyce Mujuru decides to fight on then we can expect a split of ZANU PF along factional lines. Both factions are guaranteed substantial military support. Solomon Mujuru was the commander of the Zimbabwe National Army until 1992. He still has substantial influence in the army and can be the pillar that his wife can rest on. Not to be outdone, Munangagwa was the Minister of State Security from 1980 to 1988, he is currently the Minister of Defence sealing his control over the military and intelligence of the country.

A civil war may occur. The impact and duration of such an event is beyond the scope of this article but suffice to mention that a civil is the last thing that Zimbabwe needs right now.

It has become clearer that reform in Zimbabwe is dependent more on events within ZANU PF that other things. With Mugabe unwilling to retire, it remains logical that Zimbabweans wait for his death for reform to occur. Unfortunately his death may also signal a cascade of events likely to cause more pain than happiness to Zimbabweans. Finally, let it be known that no condition is permanent- change may as well be on the cards for Zimbabwe.

The heroes of our time: a Heroes Day message.

Our constant exposure to ZANU PF propaganda has made us to believe that a hero is a person who is dead and is buried at the National Heroes Acre. We have never heard them conferring such a treasured title to anyone alive. They all become heroes when they die. What is the point of waiting for death before we can appreciate the works of our people? I am going to break tradition or propaganda and appreciate the works of some of the people I believe are heroes of our time.

Strive Masiyiwa; we all know him as the rich owner of Econet but it is not the money that makes him a hero. It is the struggle that he endured for us to have free airwaves. I cannot imagine how Zimbabwe could have turned if ZANU PF had continued to have monopoly over the Telecommunications industry. Indeed he fought his own war to set up his own business but in that war he managed to unshackle some of the chains that Zimbabwe was bound with. We are aware of the Supreme Court challenge that he made against the Post and Telecommunications Act which at that time gave monopoly to PTC. The argument was that this act violated Section 20 of the Constitution which stated “Every Zimbabwean has a right to receive and impart information without hindrance.” He pioneered the struggle for Freedom of Expression in an unprecedented manner. He helped to unmask Mugabe at a time when most people were busy worshiping him. Today we build our struggle on his humble contributions full of the wisdom that no matter how small our contribution is, we are adding a vital brick to the House of Zimbabwe. For this he is a hero.

Margaret Dongo. In 1995 she broke ranks with ZANU PF and decided to stand independently for the Harare South after the politburo refused her application to run again on a ZANU PF ticket. They favored Vivian Mwashita who was viewed more as Mugabe’s blue-eyed girl. Margaret lost to Mwashita but she took the matter to the courts where it was realized that about 41% of the people on the voters’ role were inaccurate. The election was annulled and she won the resultant rerun. She is one of the very first women in our society who have openly disagreed and challenged Mugabe. She is one of the first people who opened our eyes to the electoral fraud that ZANU PF has come to be synonymous with. She is a hero of our time.

Morgan Tsvangirai. There is no man in Zimbabwe today who can claim that he has sacrificed more than this man for the country. He lost a wife, he lost his freedom and on a number of occasions came close to losing his life. From as far back as 1989 he has been in the struggle for the total emancipation of the people of Zimbabwe. It is always easy to criticize those seated on higher ground but when all is said and done his contribution to the well-being of our political fibre is unparalleled. He is a living hero.

Arthur Mutambara. More often than not people tend to forget the good that people have done as they wallow in the inertia of the status quo. This man is the pioneer of the post independence struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe. His exploits inspired many of us into activism. He still continues to inspire many more people even now as Deputy Prime Minister. He is a hero.

Geoff Nyarota. This man gets onto this list because of his exploits in 1988 when he, together with Davison Maruziva unearthed what was by then the biggest corruption scandal involving high-ranking government ministers. Zimbabwe was still basking in the euphoria of independence when people like Enos Nkala and Maurice Nyagumbo were busy embezzling public funds. Given the barbaric history of ZANU PF when dealing with people perceived to be enemies, it had to take men of courage to carry out such a risky investigative journalism.

Nkululeko Sibanda, Tinashe Chimedza, McDonald Lewanika. These make it to this list as representative of the generation of student leaders who graced our land in the early years of this decade. These people took the struggle for academic freedom to levels that had never been reached in Zimbabwe. They openly challenged the ZANU PF hegemony and constantly organized Zimbabweans to rebel against the despotic rule in Zimbabwe. We should appreciate that the system had by then metamorphosed into a ruthless creature that did not hesitate to kill and to have people who are willing to organize the nation against such powers is just a privilege. The Final Push remains the biggest confrontation between Mugabe and the people. Students led this event. They are heroes of our time.

We have many more people who have selflessly served the people of Zimbabwe but are living somewhere in this world probably oblivious of the difference that they have made in our lives. So, the onus is on us to proclaim the value that these people have added to our lives so that even when they continue they know that the world notices!

Zimbabwe Youth Movement will soon provide the only genuine alternative for the people of Zimbabwe.

When MDC beat ZANU PF in the March 2008 elections, I said; there goes the power of money. When ZANU PF forced MDC out of the run-off election that followed, I said again; there goes the power of the gun. Today as I watch people celebrating the return of food onto the shelves I say to myself; behold the oppressed singing praise hymns to their slave masters!

The lesson we draw from the 2008 elections is that, given an option of food or hunger, human beings would choose food; but given the option of life or death people would rather choose life. Consequently economic pressure on a country ruled by the gun will never bring democratic change. Economic pressure can only bring change to countries whose leadership respects life. We have seen it in Iraq, North Korea, Burma, and Cuba; people died but the regimes continue to flourish.

The point I am trying to drive home is that, the strategy that MDC sought to apply in order to remove the Mugabe regime could have worked if the Zimbabwean political system was such that they (ZANU PF) respected the right to life. We all know they don’t. We have an unending list of people who lost their lives in the hands of ZANU PF and I am not fearful to label them as barbarians.

Before the 2008 March election I wrote an article published in The Zimbabwe Standard in which I warned Morgan that the Mugabe regime would celebrate popular vote only if it was the one winning. I warned him that even if he was to win, the ZANU PF maniacs would never allow him to rule because they believed in the superiority of the gun over the ballot. In the same article I advised him to beef up his claim to power through military coalitions especially with those who were sympathetic to Simba Makoni. I was labeled a Mavambo activist, and when reality began to unfold unto them; I could not help but feel dejected at the inability of my colleagues to read the signs.

A few years ago an argument on whether Zimbabwe was under blanket economic sanctions would have drawn a strong response from pro-MDC supporters but today given the public acknowledgement by Honorable Tendai Biti that the sanctions existed it has become common knowledge to every body. So ,with a bit of wisdom one can extrapolate that an MDC win in March was more about the stomach than an endorsement of MDC leadership. This dates back to that day in March 2002 when Morgan Tsvangirai came out in the open urging South Africa among other countries to institute blanket sanctions on Zimbabwe. The point here is that; MDC’s approach was as evil to the common man as was the barbaric butchering of people by ZANU PF because we also have evidence of people who died directly or indirectly from the effects of these sanctions.

Some may point to the fact that I was a strong MDC activist especially during my days at the University of Zimbabwe. My response is that, at that time MDC seemed to be on course to revolutionise the way business was done in Zimbabwe. It had always been my hope that it was going to realize its faults and mend them. Unfortunately along time these faults became cracks and allowed selfish elements to take control of the struggle albeit with undesirable consequences.

In an effort to give clarity to those who may be in doubt: The Worker and The Boss were housed together in MDC. It is common knowledge that the primary enemy of the worker is the boss. The food riots in 1998 were a demonstration against the poor working and living conditions of the worker in as much as it was a demonstration against the government. The Worker brought numbers while the Boss brought finances to the movement. The question was always going to be how MDC was going to manage this uncomfortable alliance to its advantage. The worker made all the dirty work, the Student made all the noise against privatization of education but on the policy document of MDC appeared anti-worker policies and pro-privatisation policies.

MDC failed to clearly state its position regarding the redistribution of land going only as far as saying it would not accept the pre-2000 situation nor the current situation. This was a testimony of its willingness to appease both the peasant and the former white farmer. Our expectation as landless peasants was that our party would advance clearly our interests unfortunately it seemed as if our importance would only be noticed when they come around looking for our votes.

We have seen however how the The Boss has used his financial muscle to wrestle power from the once vibrant Worker. It is the unwillingness of The Boss to partake in actions that may result in his loss that made the Mass Actions lose luster. It was the The Boss who betrayed the students when on 2 June 2003 instead of joining, rather chose to chicken out of the Final Push. It was The Boss who led to the split in the party, once upon a time when we had no cent we were one family. We never asked for money when duty called but slowly Mr Boss brought in the culture of mercenarism and loyalism. We began to live with warlords amongst ourselves whose word was final and any divergent view met with thorough bashing. Ask Peter Guhu who was almost thrown from the sixth floor of the Harvest House.

Today people celebrate the Government of National Unity as if it is a creation meant to serve them. What they fail to see is that, both MDC and ZANU PF are simply two evils in search of one another in the midst of darkness. ZANU PF is still the same machinery that killed thousands in Matebeleland, it is the same machinery whose hands are dripping with raw blood of our gallant comrades whose only wish was to be people amongst other people- Lookout Masuku, Solo Maimbodei, Zororo Duri, Talent Mabika, Batanai Hadzizi, Learnmore Jongwe and many more whose names are engraved in our virtual roll of honour. MDC is no longer the party that we cherished in the early years of this decade, it has become a party where the fundraiser is more important than the one in the trenches. A party whose leadership claims to care about us but does the opposite in return.

The GNU was formed to divert the attention of the people from the core of their problems. It was formed because both MDC and ZANU PF realized that people were beginning to question the authenticity of their claims that they cared about them. We all know that these two slave-masters have been fighting for supremacy whose measure could only be from the number of people they have managed to hoodwink. And here they were risking rejection from the same people. My prayers go to Morgan Tsvangirai, he could be genuine but Mr Boss has his leashes on him.

Wait and see the contents of the Constitution!

Some of us pushed for the two to form a GNU simply because we felt they both needed to take responsibility of rebuilding what they had both helped to destroy. I am happy that they are discovering how hard it is to rebuild Zimbabwe. Next time they will act responsibly.

I have tried to explain why MDC faltered. There is no way that it can still be revamped because Mr Boss has all the strings tied to his pockets. The only alternative is to build another movement that has clearer terms of interaction between conflicting entities. Mr Boss cannot be allowed to dictate nor lead a movement whose goal is seek the emancipation of the Worker. The Feudal Lord cannot lead a movement whose intention is to seek the empowerment of the Peasant. They are not us. They do not know what we have gone through. They do not identify with our tribulations. Our problems are but comfort under their beds. We need a movement that maintains its independence even in the face of financial temptations.

Mr Boss can help on his own will but knowing fully well that his help is not a passport to having his ideas getting priority. If Mr Boss has his own struggles, he should know that we are not prepared to fight on his behalf. If we are fighting the same enemy that does not necessarily make us friends but alliances can be built specifically to tackle a specific problem. In the process of forming alliances however Mr Boss should know that we would however not compromise our ultimate goal – to emancipate ourselves. Where we feel that he is an impediment to our progress, we will then not hesitate to confront him too, head-on. The choice is his.

Building such a movement is not an easy task but it is possible. The most important part of such an exercise is building an understanding of what Freedom is. In this regard Education becomes the pillar of our struggle. People should be able to understand that our struggle goes beyond the right to vote, is a struggle for our lives. Fortunately, the many brilliant heads in our movement have been working on how best to educate each other. The result has been the crafting of the Zimist Manifesto which clearly articulates our ideas.

Since its formation in January 2007, Zimbabwe Youth Movement has managed to show the world that a movement of genuinely committed people does not necessarily need donor aid to be effective. We have managed to build the movement into a genuinely independent platform where the youths of Zimbabwe can openly interact and explore their political beliefs without fear of reprisals.

We are where we are today due to commitment and selflessness. There are many comrades in our movement who sacrificed their stomachs simply to be able to board a bus to Chitungwiza to organize the movement there. We have many who have been arrested for volunteering to assist the movement as far as Shurugwi. This is the fabric that builds a true movement. It will be a great disappointment if the future leadership of ZYM shall choose to ignore such selfless comrades in our struggle.

At this point in time, given the overwhelming response that we have gotten from our membership in and outside the country, it will not be an overstatement if I conclude that one day- not so faraway from today- Zimbabwe shall wake up to a new generation of people that is willing to confront the devil head-on. They say the most dangerous man is one with an IDEA and a CONVICTION!

Freeman Forward Chari
Secretary General
Zimbabwe Youth Movement

ZIMISM: Another foundation for our thrust on the New Constitution

PRINCIPLES OF ZIMISM

Zimism is founded based upon the following principles:

1) Zimbabwe is a sovereign state whose independence shall never be tempered

- The Mutapa, Rozvi and Ndebele states build the foundations of Zimbabwe today
- Colonialism is an unfortunate incident in our history but we have forgiven each other, it is our responsibility now to build a Zimbabwe without a colour bar.
- Many were sacrificed and many sacrificed themselves in the hope of a free and independent Zimbabwe and we should never forget this.
- Nobody owns the freedom of Zimbabwe but every Zimbabwean has an obligation to protect it.
- A Zimbabwean will always be a Zimbabwean and nothing can take that away from him.
- We believe in Western technology but maintaining Zimbabwean dominion.
- Zimbabwe is our country we shall not want

2) Zimbabwe comes first, Africa second and the world third
- We are Zimbabweans, we are Africans and we are also human beings
- We believe in the unity of Zimbabweans, Africans and all human beings
- For anything that Zimbabwe produce let it be for Zimbabweans, if we have in abundance let it be shared with Africa, if Africa has had enough then let it be for the whole world.
- Africa cannot be united at atomic level rather unity of Zimbabweans coupled with the unity of other African states makes it easier for universal Pan-Africanism. So seek yeh first the unity of your nations and everything else shall follow!

3) Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans and everyone else is a brother
- The destiny of Zimbabwe is in the hands of Zimbabweans
- The fate of Zimbabwe should be churned by Zimbabweans, anyone else who meddles in it is an enemy of the people of Zimbabwe
- It is only by invitation that brothers may come in and mediate, other than that Zimbabwe remains for those who love Zimbabwe!


4) Zimbabwe is Zimbabwe by virtue of its boundaries, history and culture
- We respect the sovereignty of our country and that of other nations
- We have a history as a people and we respect that history
- We have a culture as a people and we will continue to observe such without fear of victimization whatsoever.
- We shall speak our languages anywhere in Zimbabwe and nobody can deny us that.
5) The voice of the people of Zimbabwe is the voice of God.
- We speak peace, love and harmony
- We speak justice
- We speak the truth
- Our God is a God of Peace, Love and Harmony
- Our God is Truthful and is Just
- So when the people of Zimbabwe speak it is the voice of God speaking, it should be respected by all mortals!




What type of government do we need?

1) The government should be a reflection of the wishes and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe
2) The government should be a true representative of the people of Zimbabwe
3) The government should be one that is directly accountable and answerable to the people of Zimbabwe
4) The government should be elected by popular vote
5) The government should be appointed by the people and be removable by the wishes of the people.

What type of governance do we need?


If the government of Zimbabwe is defined within the above confines, then how should it govern the country

- The distribution of Zimbabwean resources should be a true reflection of the demographic distribution of the people of Zimbabwe. (More resources should go to where more people are settled.)
- Priority should be given to uplifting the lives of the majority of the people of Zimbabwe. In this respect, the government should give priority to provision of basic needs before thinking of profit.
- The transactions of the government with the people of Zimbabwe should not be aimed at making profit but to provide for them- profit comes from foreign interactions.
- It is the obligation of the government to ensure the protection of the poor from the machinations of the rich.
- The government should have an obligation to reduce the gap between the rich and the poor.
- The government should only be a trustee and steering committee to administer the country’s resources and diligently and impartially distribute them to the people in a manner transparent and acceptable to the people.

The seven policies we need

- One man one vote
- Multiparty democracy
- Free education
- Free health
- Free access to land
- Equal access to employment
- Workers should benefit from their labor.


How would the government implement these?

One man One vote

- There would be representation of the people from the village committee up to the national structures.
- The parliament should be made up of people chosen by the people of a given constituency
- The drawing up of constituencies should be based upon the following
• Common neighborhood
• Common lifestyle
• Common welfare
• Common beliefs
- Elections are run by an independent commission that is funded from the coffers of the government and made up of respectable people/individuals of good moral and social standing. All classes of people should be represented and the choices should be endorsed by the people through their representatives at microcosm level.
- Every man’s vote would be counted as equal to everybody else’s.
- Representation of the people would be ultimate and by popular vote, this would mean;
• A minimum of 66.6% of the electorate should vote in any election; if less than that this number turns out for any election, then the result would be null and void a rerun would be done after further education and lobbying of the electorate.
• The winner of an election should be a convincing representative of the people of his constituency. In this case he/she should garner more than 50% of the cast votes. If there is no one with a simple majority then the elections should be rerun between the top two representatives.


Multiparty Democracy

- There would be no repression or suppression of political views, ideas or beliefs in which every citizen would be allowed to participate politically in any national agenda as allowed by agreed laws of the country.
- Every party would be granted equal access to state facilities like media, security etc
- Every party would be allowed unreserved access to the people as is acceptable by commonly agreed laws of the country.
- Every party would be allowed access to state resources based upon the percentage of the electorate it represents.



Free education

- there would be free access to basic education
- free in the sense that the government would mandated to add value to the country’s natural resources, in return it would use such profits to meet the cost of education.
- the government would subsidize secondary and tertiary education, the amount of subsidy should be such that every child who wishes to continue with education would do so without stress.

Free health

- There would be free access to health facilities
- Every person would be granted specialized health care at a cost that would be sustained by the government of Zimbabwe. ( Every Zimbabwean has a right to the resources of the country, when the government sells the country’s gold; there is a percentage of it for everybody thus this percentage should go towards sustaining the livelihoods of the people of the country)

Free access to land

- Every Zimbabwean citizen would have access to land depending on the type of lifestyle of that person. In this regard, those in the urban areas would be given building stands free of charge, which shall be theirs and for their families. Those in rural areas whose life is sustained by agricultural activities would be given land to farm on reasonably fertile lands which can sustain them and the nation too.
- The purpose of the government is to oversee that the land is equitably distributed based upon need and to ensure that no one owns benefits at the expense of others.
- Commercial agriculture would be encouraged and the lands reserved for such would not be interfered with in the process of land redistribution.


Equal access to employment

- Every Zimbabwean who has reached the age of majority and wishes to be employed would be employed based upon his/her ability and qualifications.
- People of the same qualifications would have equal opportunity for any job.
- People doing the same job at the same establishment with the same qualifications would be entitled to the same treatment.

Workers should benefit from their labor

- The government would put policies that ensure that workers benefit from the profits of their labor. This particularly includes:
• Gazetting from time to time realistic minimum wages in line with the costs of basic needs.
• Stipulating a certain percentage to be shared from every company’s annual profits by its workers.

- There would be laws enacted by common agreement to protect the workers from abuse and misuse.


How do we organize ourselves towards this type government?


- A movement of the people should be formed
- it is the responsibility of the intelligentsia of the society to strategize and educate the people on what needs to be done and why it is supposed to be done.
- The people should own the revolution and through public agreement choose their own leaders.
- The leadership of the movement should abide by strict conduct and seek to uphold the values and principles of the revolution
- Education is the greatest weapon against the facets of oppression; therefore in the anticipation of the revolution the movement should put more effort on educating the people of Zimbabwe.
- Every Zimbabwean has a responsibility to sustain the revolution.
- The power of persuasion rather than the power of coercion should be used in all the engagements of the Movement.
- Violence should not be tolerated within and without the movement: We have more to lose in hostility than in diplomatic engagement but ……...

Our guide to a democratic constitution: THE ZIMBABWE YOUTH CHARTER

ZIMBABWE YOUTH CHARTER



GUIDED by The Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

DIRECTED by the vision, hopes and aspirations of the People of Zimbabwe,

ENCOURAGED by the basis of the resolution of the Heads of State and government during the 1999 Algiers Summit for the development of the Pan-African Charter,

UPHOLDING the values and ideals of the Zimbabwean tradition and history as the foundation of a truly Zimbabwean identity,

FULLY AWARE of the diversity of Zimbabwean cultures and their bearing to our unity as a people,

CONVINCED that because of perpetuity, the youths of Zimbabwe are the only sustainable resource in the fight for national development,

REAFFIRMING the need to take appropriate measures to promote and protect the rights and welfare of children as outlined in the Convention of the Rights of the Child (1989) and through the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1999),

NOTING with concern the situation of Zimbabwean youths , many of whom are marginalized from mainstream society through inequalities in income, wealth and power, unemployment and underemployment, infected and affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic, living in situations of poverty and hunger, experiencing illiteracy and poor quality educational systems, restricted access to health services and to information, exposure to violence including gender and political violence and experiencing various forms of discrimination.

RECALLING the United Nations World Programme of Action for Youth to the Year 2000 and beyond and the ten priority areas identified for youth (education,
employment, hunger and poverty, health, environment, drug abuse, juvenile
delinquency, leisure-time activities, girls and young women and youth participating in decision-making), and the five additional areas (HIV/AIDS, ICT, Inter-generational dialogue,..) adopted at the 2005 UN General assembly,

VALUEING the role played by youths in the struggle for independence

REITERATING that youths are the vanguard of independence and democracy in Zimbabwe ,
SALUTING the continual efforts by the youths in protecting the integrity of Zimbabwe as a democracy and as a sovereign state,

ENCOURAGED by the endeavours by African states to come up with a comprehensive African Youth Charter and noting the enshrinements in the African Youth Charter

ACKNOWLEDGING the increasing calls and the enthusiasm of youth to actively participate at local, national, regional and international levels to determine their own development and the advancement of society at large,

ACKNOWLEDGING ALSO the call in Bamako (2005) by the youth organisations
across Africa to empower youth by building their capacity, leadership, responsibilities and provide access to information such that they can take up their rightful place as active agents in decision-making and governance,

CONSIDERING that the promotion and protection of the rights of youth also implies the performance of duties by youth as by all other actors in society,

HAVE AGREED AS FOLLOWS:
DEFINITIONS


“Government”
shall mean the Government of Zimbabwe
“Charter”
shall mean the Zimbabwe Youth Charter
“Diaspora”
shall mean people of Zimbabwean descent and heritage living outside
the country.
“Minors”
shall mean young people below the age of 14

“Youth”
For the purposes of this Charter, youth or young people shall
refer to every person between the ages of 14 and 35 years.



PART 1: RIGHTS AND DUTIES
Article 1: Obligation of The Government of Zimbabwe
1.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall recognize the rights, freedoms and duties enshrined in this Charter.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall undertake the necessary steps, in accordance with Constitution to adopt such legislative or other measures that may be necessary to give effect to the provisions of the Charter.

Article 2: Non-discrimination
1.
Every young person shall be entitled to the enjoyments of the rights and freedoms recognized and guaranteed in this Charter irrespective of their race, ethnic group, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, fortune, birth or other status.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take appropriate measures to ensure that youth are protected against all forms of discrimination on the basis of status, activities, expressed opinions or beliefs.
3.
The Government of Zimbabwe recognize the rights of Young people from ethnic, religious and linguistic marginalized groups to enjoy their own culture, freely practice their own religion or to use their own language in community with other members of their group.


Article 3: Freedom of Movement
Every young person has the right to leave the country and to return to safely into country.



Article 4: Freedom of Expression
1.
Every young person shall be guaranteed the right to express his or her ideas and opinions freely in all matters and to disseminate his or her ideas and opinions subject to the restrictions as are prescribed by laws.
2.
Every young person shall have the freedom to seek, receive and disseminate information and ideas of all kinds, either orally, in writing, in print, in the form of art or through any media of the young person’s choice subject to the restrictions as are prescribed by laws.


Article 5: Freedom of Association
1.
Every young person shall have the right to free association and freedom of peaceful assembly in conformity with the law.
2.
Young people shall not be compelled to belong to an association.


Article 6: Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion
Every young person shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion.


Article 7: Protection of Private Life
No young person shall be subject to the arbitrary or unlawful interference with his/her privacy, residence or correspondence, or to attacks upon his/her honour or reputation.

Article 8: Protection of the Family
1.
The family, as the most basic social institution, shall enjoy the full protection and support of The Government of Zimbabwe for its establishment and development.
2.
Young men and women of full age who enter into marriage shall do so based on their free consent and shall enjoy equal rights and responsibilities.

Article 9: Property
1.
Every young person shall have the right to own and to inherit property.
2.
Young men and young women shall enjoy equal rights to own property.
3.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure that youths are not arbitrarily deprived of their property including inherited property.
Article 10: Development
1.
Every young person shall have the right to social, economic, political and cultural development with due regard to their freedom and identity and in equal enjoyment of the common heritage of mankind.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure that the economic development of the country is equally reflected by the growth of the youths, in this regard the government shall undertake to assist in the empowerment of youths through provisions of grants, loans and other facilities aimed at improving the lives of the youths.
3)
The Government of Zimbabwe shall provide access to information and education and training for young people to learn their rights and responsibilities, to be schooled in democratic processes, citizenship, decision-making, governance and leadership such that they develop the technical skills and confidence to participate in these processes
4)
The Government of Zimbabwe shall not adopt extremist economic policies that compromise the development of youths
5)
Nationalisation of natural resources shall have a fair share for the youth.

Article 11:Youth Participation
1.
Every young person shall have the right to participate in all spheres of society.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take the following measures to promote active youth participation in society:
In this respect it shall:
a)
Guarantee the participation of youth in parliament and other decision-making bodies in accordance with the prescribed laws; more importantly it shall ensure that:
i)
there is a parliamentary youth committee specifically dealing with issues of that concern the youth of Zimbabwe .
ii)
The minister responsible for youth affairs be a youth below the age of 35 years by the date of appointment.
iii)
Every ministry have a youth office dealing specifically with youth issues pertaining to the duties of such ministry.
b)
Facilitate the creation or strengthening of platforms for youth participation in decision-making at local, national, regional, and continental levels of governance;
c)
Ensure equal access to young men and young women to participate in decision-making and in fulfilling civic duties;
d)
Provide access to information such that young people become aware of their rights and of opportunities to participate in decision-making and civic life;
e)
Provide technical and financial support to build the institutional capacity of youth organisations;
f)
Institute policy and programmes of youth voluntarism at local, national, regional and international levels as an important form of youth participation and as a means of peer-to-peer training.
g)
Include representatives as part of delegations to ordinary sessions and other relevant meetings to broaden channels of communication and enhance the discussion of youth related issues.

Article 12: National Youth Policy
The Government of Zimbabwe shall develop a comprehensive and coherent national youth policy.

a)
The policy shall be cross-sectoral in nature considering the inter-relatedness of the challenges facing young people;
b)
The policy should identify challenges facing youths and should articulate mechanism of addressing such.
c)
The policy shall advocate equal opportunities for young men and for
young women;
d)
The policy shall be adopted by parliament and enacted into law;


Article 13: Education and Skills Development

1.
Every young person shall have the right to education of good quality.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take all appropriate measures with a view to achieving full realisation of this right and shall, in particular:
a)
Provide free and compulsory basic education and take steps to minimise the indirect costs of education;
b)
Make all forms of secondary education more readily available and accessible by all possible means including progressively free;
c)
Take steps to encourage regular school attendance and reduce drop-out rates;
d)
Strengthen participation in and the quality of training in science and technology;
e)
Revitalise vocational education and training relevant to current and prospective employment opportunities and expand access by developing centres in rural and remote areas;
f)
Make higher education equally accessible to all including establishing distance learning centres of excellence;
g)
Avail multiple access points for education and skills development including opportunities outside of mainstream educational institutions e.g., workplace skills development, distance learning, adult literacy and national youth service programmes;
h)
Ensure, where applicable, that girls and young women who become pregnant or married before completing their education shall have the opportunity to continue their education;
i)
Allocate resources to upgrade the quality of education delivered and ensure that it is relevant to the needs of contemporary society and engenders critical thinking rather than rote learning;
j)
Adopt pedagogy that incorporates the benefits of and trains young people in the use of modern information and communication technology such that youth are better prepared for the world of work;
k)
Encourage youth participation in community work as part of education to build a sense of civic duty;
l)
Introduce scholarship and bursary programmes to encourage entry into post-primary school education and into higher education outstanding youth from disadvantaged communities, especially young girls;
m)
Establish and encourage participation of all young men and young women in sport, cultural and recreational activities as part of holistic development;
n)
Promote culturally appropriate, age specific sexuality and responsible parenthood education

3.
The value of multiple forms of education, including formal, non-formal,
informal, distance learning and life-long learning, to meet the diverse needs of
young people shall be embraced.
4.
The education of young people shall be directed to:
a)
The promotion and holistic development of the young person¢s cognitive
and creative and emotional abilities to their full potential;
b)
Fostering respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms as set
out in the provisions of the various African human and people's rights
and international human rights declarations and conventions;
c)
Preparing young people for responsible lives in free societies that
promote peace, understanding, tolerance, dialogue, mutual respect and
friendship among all nations and across all groupings of people;
d)
The preservation and strengthening of positive African morals,
traditional values and cultures and the development of national and
African identity and pride;
e)
The development of respect for the environment and natural resources;
f)
The development of life skills to function effectively in society and
include issues such as HIV/AIDS, reproductive health, substance abuse
prevention and cultural practices that are harmful to the health of young
girls and women as part of the education curricula;
g)
The promotion of patriotism and cherishment of our history as said orally, written or depicted in other forms.


Article 14: Sustainable Livelihoods and Youth Employment
1.
Every young person shall have the right to gainful employment.
2.
Every young person shall have the right to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing work that is likely to be hazardous to or interfere with the young person's education, or to be harmful to the young person's health or holistic development.
3.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall address and ensure the availability of accurate data on youth employment, unemployment and underemployment so as to facilitate the prioritisation of the issue in National development programmes complemented by clear programmes to address unemployment;



4.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take all appropriate measures with a view to achieving full realisation of this right to gainful employment and shall in particular:
a)
Ensure equal access to employment and equal pay for equal work or equal value of work and offer protection against discrimination regardless of ethnicity, race, gender, disability, religion, political, social, cultural or economic background;
b)
Develop macroeconomic policies that focus on job creation particularly for young and for young women;
c)
Develop measures to regulate the informal economy to prevent unfair labour practices where the majority of youth work;
d)
Foster greater linkages between the labour market and the education and training system to ensure that curricula are aligned to the needs of the labour market and that youth are being trained in fields where employment opportunities are available or are growing;
e)
Institute incentive schemes for employers to invest in the skills development of employed and unemployed youth;

Article 15: Health


1.
Every young person shall have the right to enjoy the best attainable state of physical, mental and spiritual health.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall undertake to pursue the full implementation of this right and in particular shall take measures to:
a)
Ensure free access to secondary health.
b)
Avail subsidised post-natal, infant and child health care, in this respect it shall undertake to;
i)
Provide free immunisation to infants and children against infectious diseases
ii)
Provide subsidised nourishment to all infants and children up to the age of seven years.
c)
Make available equitable and ready access to medical assistance and health care especially in rural and poor urban areas with an emphasis on the development of primary health care;
d)
Secure the full involvement of youth in identifying their reproductive and health needs and designing programmes that respond to these needs with special attention to vulnerable and disadvantaged youth
e)
Provide access to youth friendly reproductive health services including contraceptives, antenatal and post natal services;

f)
Institute programmes to address health pandemics in Africa such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria;
g)
Institute comprehensive programmes to prevent the transmission of sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS by providing education, information, communication and awareness creation as well as making protective measures and reproductive health services available;
h)
Expand the availability and encourage the uptake of voluntary counselling and confidential testing for HIV/AIDS;
i)
Provide timely access to treatment for young people infected with HIV/AIDS including prevention of mother to child transmission, post rape prophylaxis, and anti-retroviral therapy and creation of health services specific for young people;
j)
Provide food security for people living with HIV/AIDS;
k)
Institute comprehensive programmes including legislative steps to prevent unsafe abortions;
l)
Raise awareness amongst youth on the dangers of drug abuse through partnerships with youth, youth organisations and the community;
m)
Provide rehabilitation for young people abusing drugs such that they can be re-integrated into social and economic life;
n)
Provide technical and financial support to build the institutional capacity of youth organisations to address public health concerns including issues concerning youth with disabilities and young people married at an early age.


Article 16: Peace and Security
1.
In view of the important role of youth in promoting peace and non-violence and the lasting physical and psychological scars that result from involvement in violence, armed conflict and war, The Government of Zimbabwe shall:
a)
Strengthen the capacity of young people and youth organisations in peace building, conflict prevention and conflict resolution through the promotion of intercultural learning, civic education, tolerance, human rights education and democracy, mutual respect for cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, the importance of dialogue and cooperation, responsibility, solidarity and international cooperation;
b)
Institute mechanisms to promote a culture of peace and tolerance amongst young people that discourages their participation in acts of violence, terrorism, xenophobia, racial discrimination, gender-based discrimination, foreign occupation and trafficking in arms and drugs;
c)
Institute education to promote a culture of peace and dialogue in all schools and training centres at all levels;
d)
Condemn armed conflict and prevent the participation, involvement, recruitment and sexual slavery of young people in armed conflict;
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure the protection of the youth against the ideology of genocide.

Article 17: Law Enforcement
1.
Every young person accused or found guilty of having infringed the penal law shall have the right to be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall in particular:
a)
Ensure that youth who are detained or imprisoned or in rehabilitation centres are not subjected to torture, inhumane or degrading treatment or punishment;
b)
Ensure that accused minors shall be segregated from convicted persons and shall be subject to separate treatment appropriate to their status;
c)
Build rehabilitation facilities for accused and imprisoned youth who are still minors and house them separately from adults;
d)
Provide induction programmes for imprisoned youth that are based on reformation, social rehabilitation and re-integration into family life;
e)
Make provisions for the continued education and skills development of imprisoned young people as part of the restorative justice process.
f)
Ensure that accused and convicted young people are entitled to a lawyer.



Article 18: Sustainable Development and Protection of the Environment
1.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure the use of sustainable methods to improve the lives of young people such that measures instituted do not jeopardise opportunities for future generations.
2.
Encourage the media, youth organisations, in partnership with national and international organisations, to produce, exchange and disseminate information on environmental preservation and best practices to protect the environment;
3.
Support youth organisations in instituting programmes that encourage environmental preservation such as waste reduction, recycling and tree planting programmes;

Article 19: Access to Land
1.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure equal access to land for all youth regardless race, ethnic group, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, fortune, birth or other status.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall in particular;
a)
Set aside national lands which shall be made available for lease to youths willing to undertake agricultural activities.
b)
Set up facilities to assist youth start agricultural projects, these may include grants, loans or assistance in the form of materials or implements
c)
Ensure that for any farms acquired for resettlement, fifty percent of the beneficiaries be youths

3)
With respect to the Land reform programme the government should undertake to;
a)
Set up an audit of the Agrarian reform programme
b)
Gazette farms to be redistributed to the landless people
c)
Set up an Independent Agrarian Reform Board with a full youth voice to oversee a well-managed redistribution
4)
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure that in the process of land redistribution it does not jeopardise opportunities for future generations, in particular it shall
a)
Set aside land for future use which may in the mean time be leased to the current youths
b)
Give specific timeframes of lease to the current beneficiaries of the land redistribution so that at the expiry of such, other people; particularly the youths of the day may benefit also.


Article 20: Youth and Culture
1.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take the following steps to promote and protect the morals and traditional values recognised by the community:
a)
Eliminate all traditional practices that undermine the physical integrity and dignity of women;
b)
Recognise and value beliefs and traditional practices that contribute to development;
c)
Establish institutions and programmes for the development, documentation, preservation and dissemination of culture;
d)
Work with educational institutions, youth organisations, the media and other partners to raise awareness of and teach and inform young people about youth culture, values and indigenous knowledge;
e)
Harness the creativity of youth to promote local cultural values and traditions by representing them in a format acceptable to youth and in a language and in forms to which youth are able to relate;
f)
Introduce and intensify teaching in Zimbabwean languages in all forms of education as a means to accelerate economic, social, political and cultural development;
g)
Promote inter-cultural awareness by organising exchange programmes between young people and youth organisations within Africa and across the globe.


Article 21: Youth in the Diaspora
The Government of Zimbabwe shall recognise the right of young people to live anywhere in the world. In this regard, it shall;
a)
Promote and protect the rights of young people living in the Diaspora, in particular
i) All Zimbabwean youths in the Diaspora above the age of 18 shall be granted the suffrage right in any election to which they are duly registered.
b)
Establish structures that encourage and assist the youth in the Diaspora to return to and fully re-integrate into the social and economic life in Zimbabwe;
c)
Promote and protect the rights of young people living in the Diaspora;
d)
Encourage young people in the Diaspora to engage themselves in development activities in Zimbabwe.
e)
Government shall have development plan agreement with host nations to integrate youth in Diaspora.
f)
Government through its Embassies shall have an obligation to undertake educational and cultural activities to remind the youth of their culture and African history.



Article 22: Leisure, Recreation, Sportive and Cultural Activities
1.
Young people shall have the right to rest and leisure and to engage in play and recreational activities that are part of a health lifestyle as well as to participate freely in sport, physical education drama, the arts, music and other forms of cultural life. In this regard, The Government of Zimbabwe shall;
a)
Make provision for equal access for young men and young women to sport, physical education, cultural, artistic, recreational and leisure activities;


b)
Put in place adequate infrastructure and services in rural and urban areas for youth to participate in sport, physical education, cultural, artistic, recreational and leisure activities.


Article 23: Girls and Young Women
The Government of Zimbabwe shall acknowledge the need to eliminate discrimination against girls and young women according to obligations stipulated in various international, regional and national human rights conventions and instruments designed to protect and promote women’s rights. In this regard, they shall:
a)
Introduce legislative measures that eliminate all forms of discrimination against girls and young women and ensure their human rights and fundamental freedoms;
b)
Ensure that girls and young women are able to participate actively, equally and effectively with boys at all levels of social, educational, economic, political, cultural, civic life and leadership as well as scientific endeavours;
c)
Institute programmes to make girls and young women aware of their rights and of opportunities to participate as equal members of society;
d)
Guarantee universal and equal access to and completion of secondary education;
e)
Provide educational systems that do not impede girls and young women, including married and/or pregnant young women, from attending;
f)
Take steps to provide equal access to health care services and nutrition for girls and young women;
g)
Protect girls and young women from economic exploitation and from performing work that is hazardous, takes them away from education or that is harmful to their mental or physical health;
h)
Offer equal access to young women to employment and promote their participation in all sectors of employment;
i)
Enact and enforce legislation that protect girls and young women from all forms of violence, genital mutilation, incest, rape, sexual abuse, sexual exploitation, trafficking, prostitution and pornography;
k)
Develop programmes of action that provide legal, physical and psychological support to girls and young women who have been subjected to violence and abuse such that they can fully re-integrate into social and economic life;
l)
Secure the right for young women to maternity leave.


Article 24: Mentally and Physically Challenged Youth
1.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall recognise the right of mentally and physically challenged youth to special care and shall ensure that they have equal and effective access to education, training, health care services, employment, sport, physical education and cultural and recreational activities.
2.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall work towards eliminating any obstacles that may have negative implications for the full integration of mentally and physically challenged youth into society including the provision of appropriate infrastructure and services to facilitate easy mobility.


3.
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take appropriate measures to make every Zimbabwean learn sign language especially at basic level for easy of communication.

Article 25: Elimination of Harmful Social and Cultural Practices
The Government of Zimbabwe shall take all appropriate steps to eliminate harmful social and cultural practices that affect the welfare and dignity of youth, in particular;
a)
Customs and practices that harm the health, life or dignity of the youth;
b)
Customs and practices discriminatory to youth on the basis of gender, age or other status.



Article 26: Responsibilities of Youth
Every young person shall have responsibilities towards his family and society, the State, and the international community. Youth shall have the duty to:
a)
Become the custodians of their own development;
b)
Protect and work for family life and cohesion;
c)
Have full respect for parents and elders and assist them anytime in cases of need in the context of positive Zimbabwean values;
d)
Partake fully in citizenship duties including voting, decision making and governance;
e)
Engage in peer-to-peer education to promote youth development in areas such as literacy, use of information and communication technology, HIV/AIDS prevention, violence prevention and peace
building;
f)
Contribute to the promotion of the economic development of Zimbabwe and Africa by placing their physical and intellectual abilities at its service;
g)
Espouse an honest work ethic and reject and expose corruption;
h)
Work towards a society free from substance abuse, violence, coercion, crime, degradation, exploitation and intimidation;
i)
Promote tolerance, understanding, dialogue, consultation and respect for others regardless of age, race, ethnicity, colour, gender, ability, religion, status or political affiliation;

j)
Defend democracy, the rule of law and all human rights and fundamental freedoms;
k)
Encourage a culture of voluntarism and human rights protection as well as participation in civil society activities;
l)
Promote patriotism towards and unity and cohesion of Africa ;
m)
Promote, preserve and respect African traditions and cultural heritage and pass on this legacy to future generations;
n)
Become the vanguard of re-presenting cultural heritage in languages and in forms to which youth are able to relate;
o)
Protect the environment and conserve nature.


Article 27: Popularization of the Charter
The Government of Zimbabwe shall have the duty to promote and ensure through teaching, education and publication, the respect of rights, responsibilities and freedoms contained in the present Charter and to see to it that these freedoms, rights and responsibilities as well as corresponding obligations and duties are understood.

Article 28: Duties of The Government of Zimbabwe
The Government of Zimbabwe shall ensure that all Parties respect the commitments made and fulfil the duties outlined in the present Charter by;
a)
Collaborating with governmental establishments, non-governmental institutions and developmental partners to identify best practices on youth policy formulation and implementation and encouraging the adaptation of principles and experiences among States Parties;
b)
Instituting measures to create awareness of its activities and make information on its activities more readily available and accessible to youth;
c)
Facilitating exchange and co-operation between youth organisations across national borders in order to develop regional youth solidarity, political consciousness and democratic participation.



PART 2: FINAL PROVISIONS

Article 29: Savings clause
Nothing in this Charter shall be taken as minimising higher standards and values contained in other relevant human rights instruments ratified by Zimbabwe or rational law or policies.

Article 30: Signature, Ratification or Adherence
1.
The present Charter shall be open to signature by the Government of Zimbabwe. The Present Charter shall be subject to ratification or accession by the Parliament of Zimbabwe.
.
Article 31: Amendment and Revision of the Charter
1.
The present may be amended or revised if any member of the Zimbabwe Youth Council makes a written request to that effect to the Parliament of Zimbabwe, provided that the proposed amendment is not submitted to the Parliament of Zimbabwe for consideration until all members of the Zimbabwe Youth Council have been duly notified of it.
2.
An amendment shall be approved by a simple majority of the Parliament of Zimbabwe. Such amendment shall come into force after it has been made public through the government gazette or any other form of media deemed to be accessible to the majority of the youths.

Prepared by: Zimbabwe Youth Movement
Free-Zim Youths
2007

Locating the role of the Diaspora in the struggle for a democratic Zimbabwe.

After Morgan Tsvangirai was booed by his expatriate audience in the United Kingdom for calling on them to return home, there arose the need to identify the real role of the Diaspora in the struggle against the dictatorship in Zimbabwe.

The Movement for Democratic Change has grown so many tentacles that it now boasts of structures in all countries where Zimbabweans populate in large numbers like USA, UK, Canada and South Africa. This growth has come at a cost though: the South Africa branch was nearly brought down to its knees by allegations of tribalism while the UK branch had to be reconstituted after bickering.

There are numerous organisations in the Diaspora who claim to be fighting the against the Zimbabwe dictatorship. A number of coalitions have also been built within and outside Zimbabwe. There are also numerous newspapers and radio stations which operate from the Diaspora and have a huge followers within and outside Zimbabwe. Has the existence of all these entities added value to the struggle?

The strengths and weaknesses of the Diaspora.

Most of the people in the Diaspora have access to communication technologies that may still be out of reach for ordinary residents of Zimbabwe. These include Internet and mobile technology. These have assisted them in providing real-time, cross-sectional information about what is going on nationally and globally. This has allowed them to make informed decisions based on current trends and also to conveniently interact with one another without having to meet physically. We cannot therefore, ignore the role of the Diaspora in publicising the crisis in Zimbabwe and mobilising the international community to take a stance on the Zimbabwe regime.

There are many people in the Diaspora who are in formal employment. These people have ready access to finances which can be used to undertake programs that support the struggle. We have seen Zimbabweans contributing financially to the struggle. So the Diaspora remains a raw source of financial resources for the struggle.

What also makes the Diaspora fertile is the presence of intellectuals who are willing to tackle both the ideological and tactical challenges that the struggle faces. These are the people who can give a meaning and a vision to a feeling. It is also this intelligentsia that can shape the interaction between the resident fighter and the expatriate fighter.

The biggest limitation of the Diaspora is its inability to experience the struggle within Zimbabwe first-hand. They cannot tackle the Mugabe regime head-on. Firstly they are not able to vote, thus inline with the school of thought that favours democratic resistance; these people are not able to add value to the struggle because what counts at the end of the day is the number of votes that the pro-democratic forces garner. Secondly, they are not able to directly defend their fellows who may be in danger because what exists is a virtual link between the two fighters. Lastly, the Diaspora is not able to influence those who do not have access to technology.

Way forward

Having identified the strengths of the Diaspora, it can be extrapolated that their most strategic roles in this struggle involve publicity, fund-raising and advising. The execution of the struggle within Zimbabwe should therefore be left to those who are strategically placed to influence, participate and experience the action. This literally means those who are on the ground.

The Diaspora should continue to intensify the struggle by alerting the world to factual violations that are taking place in Zimbabwe. It should also continue to lobby amongst itself and other stakeholders to contribute financially towards the struggle. The finances should not be used to sustain organisations outside the country but to motivate the people in Zimbabwe. For example; people can contribute to meet tuition fees for expelled student leaders outside the country so that other students can feel the solidarity and come out to challenge the system.

Finally, disagreement within the pro-democratic family should not be ballooned extraordinarily as this tends to alienate other people from the struggle although their services would be valuable. Disagreement should be viewed positively as a way of building tolerance to diversity. In short, leadership within the Diaspora should seek to work together instead of competing for space!

Our ideas will die unless we challenge the capitalist syndicates running business the world over!

One day I was watching a friend go through her Cisco simulations when something struck my head. She was drawing computers and routers trying to come up with something she called a network topology (whatever that is). When I asked what she was trying to do we ended up concluding that until there is a strategy to harness our brilliant ideas and transform them into action the poor will always be poor.

In an attempt to explain the concept of networking to me, she picked our internet connection. We pay our Internet Service Provider (ISP) and we also pay our telecoms provider for the line rental. Our ISP has a small network which we are also part of blah blah blah and here ended our original discussion but started another one which eventually inspired our realisation.

To access internet we pay an ISP, which in turn pays an upstream ISP for Internet access, this upstream ISP also pays another ISP which has a bigger network, which in turn pays another one and so continues the sequence until we reach a network that is called a Tier 1 carrier.

A Tier 1 carrier is one that connects through the entire internet without paying for that access. There are about ten of these truly Tier 1 networks in the whole world. They include Sprint , AT&T, Verizon, Level 3 Communications (L3), TeliaSonera, Quest and Global Crossing. All the Tier 1 carriers are headquartered in USA except Global Crossing (Bermuda), NTT (Japan) and TeliaSonera (Sweden).

This brings me to the core of our observation. When I visit Quick n Easy Internet Café in Harare I will pay $1 to access the internet. Quick n Easy would take a chunk and pass another to its ISP which will get a chunk and pass the other chunk to somebody who will pass to somebody. There is 70% chance that a chunk of my $1 will end up shoring the USA balance of payments.

To those who have tried to own a website they may know that for you to have one you need to have an internet domain name. Unless you want to use a country code top-level domain like .co.zw then one needs to pay domain registrar to register that domain. There are five notable registrars in the whole world, the biggest being GoDaddy in USA.

The point I am trying to drive here is that, the advances in sciences that we embrace entrench certain levels of monopoly of the economic space by the rich over the poor. The technological advances demand that there be a computer. One cannot use a computer unless he purchases an operating system like Windows which was developed by Microsoft- a USA company.

This scenario does not embrace innovation from the lower end of the consumer ladder. This is present in most business atmospheres where regulatory agencies are created to put stringent measures which do not only curtail innovation but serve to entrench the dominance of certain powerful entities in such markets.

I will give an example

There is a man in Zimbabwe who has struggled for the past ten years to have his helicopter- which he built from scratch- fly in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean authority CAAZ has denied him permission to test his invention calling the chopper unworthy to fly. Instead of CAAZ rewarding such determination and innovation, they choose to let him be an object of ridicule. I am of the opinion that, had he been given necessary support by now Zimbabwe would have been able to build its own helicopter, or maybe a tractor. I am sure if Daniel had been a Professor of Robotics from overseas he would have been allowed to try his chopper yet Bill Gates revolutionised the world despite being a school dropout!

Daniel Chingoma, has got a brilliant idea but does not have the financial capacity sustain his idea. Unless there is somebody who has the finances and is willing to support him, it is possibility that his chopper will never see the skies.

How many of us have got clear ideas but do not have the financial capacity to bring them into action?

I have always wanted to operate a Medical Laboratory that would have the capacity to diagnose such diseases like leukaemia and cancer in Zimbabwe. For the past four years I have been visiting banks and financial institutions within and without Zimbabwe. They all tell me that “Brilliant proposal now what collateral do you have?” I am just a 28 year old who does not even have a stand to build. So until I am able to amass wealth in immovable assets or am able to convince somebody with his houses to act as surety then this dream will die a stillbirth.

I work in a hospital, my salary even if I save it for ten years without eating anything it would never come near the amount needed to buy a BD FacsCalibur machine for such a laboratory.

Faced with these challenges one begins to think of how he can surmount them, and many ideas and scenarios fly across. As a Zimbabwean who has been denied access to loans because I do not have title deeds one option is to also go and grab land like what ZANU PF bigwigs are doing.

This is a rational idea given that if I stand in a queue with Munangagwa and Mr Hirtchkens (a white farmer with 200 hectares of land) both of them stand a better chance of accessing the loan despite the fact that they both would not have a legitimate claim to the land they would be using as collateral. So why not grab too?

Like in the well knit system of internet business, the sugar business has an upstream cascade that makes it difficult for me as a common man to be part of. Triangle Ltd owns the canals that carry water from Tokwane-Ngundu dam to its fields, it owns the sugar milling company and has big claims in the sugar refineries. Even if I get land in Nuanetsi Ranch, I would not be able to farm sugarcane unless if Triangle allows me to use its water. In the event that it allows me, I may not be able to sell the sugarcane to its milling company unless it allows me to. Otherwise I have to sell the canes to people at Ngundu Bus Terminus.

Under these circumstances why not violently seize a part of this chain and start playing a part? After all it is situations like these which necessitated revolutions in Russia and China.

Another option is to use our cumulative economic power to create a pool of resources which we can tap into if one of us has an idea that is worthy supporting. This is a concept that has been used by Indians much to their benefit. If I can save $5 and 1000 other people can do it every month. Each month we would be having $ 5 000 which can be invested. In a year we would be having a relatively large pool of capital. Unfortunately the circumstances that we find ourselves in make this even harder. My salary is break even. My employer gives me enough to feed my family, pay rent and school fees. Where will I get the extra cash without straining myself?

I can go on and on but the situation that we –the poor – find ourselves in demands that we radically shift our gaze from what we are made to believe is happening and takes a deep stare at the machinations below. Otherwise we are going to get poorer and poorer whilst the world seems to be developing.

As I retire to bed, I cannot help listening to Thomas Mapfumo’s munhu mutema. “Hona tingabhenga sei vamwe vakabhenga kare zvinotigumbura isu” (How can we bank when others banked a long time ago, it frustrates!)

Cdes, Gono must Go Today!

I am not an economist but I have lived the years and I have seen crimes and criminal intentions in my society. Sanctions or no sanctions a man of integrity must act with morality and so was expected of Mr Gono but he fell short of it. For this and other crimes GONO must GO today!

Cdes and friends; Idi Amini is known to have been fascinated by watching how starving prisoners scrambled for crumps of bread that he threw at them. To him that was power, at the same time he felt he was doing good to them by at least feeding them. How dehumanising!

Our Gideon Gono like Idi Amini found joy in showing off his power. Do you remember how he made us scramble to the dust bins in search of coins which he had made obsolete only to wake up in the middle of the night and tell us they could now buy? He enjoyed the sight of our desperation from the comfort of his RBZ offices whilst we foraged through the stinking dumpsites. In his mind he could not hide the sarcasm; “Gono is our shepherd we shall not want!” How dehumanising!

Cdes and friends, we worked so hard just to put something in our mouths. We did not sleep. Our mothers broke their backs carrying food and wares to sell and make a living. We had legitimate money in the banks. Gono froze them. Why? Because he never wanted to see anyone who is not Mugabeish or Gonoish making a decent living? Gono the landlord!

Why did Gono lock our monies in the banks when it rightfully belonged to us? Will we ever get that money? I tell you, Gono took our money and bought his wife mansions and underwear, he then locked the figures in the bank so that they could be mowed by inflation. His intention was for the money to rot and lose value so that when ZANU PF eventually kills the Zimbabwe dollar, Mugabe and his cronies would not have any debt to clear. Gono fuelled inflation claiming he was fighting it!

Gono, the same Gono you call your governor sponsored the death of many innocent souls. He gave out farm implements to ZANU PF thugs under the guise of farm mechanisation simply to buy their solidarity and support. He fuelled the tensions and at the worst he ignited fires. Our brothers and sisters died because of this man’s shameless policies and adventures.

How many of our brothers and sisters who were making an honest living through gold panning and diamond-picking were killed at the behest Gono’s cabal? Yet some still defend him?

Sanctions or no sanctions Gono was not supposed to abuse his power. The power that he was given by Mugabe who had also stolen from us! Stolen power?

For these and other crimes Gideon Gono should be sacked, summoned before a court of law and barnished from society!

Leadership renewal still to be embraced in Zimbabwe's political culture

Many of the problems that face Zimbabwe stem from the failure by ZANU-PF to cope with the demands of time. The call for change has reverberated across the whole world in different forms and manners but it all round off to a call for leadership renewal within the country. The world is in a dynamic state of continuous change which demands an innovative, industrious and wise leadership to harness and manage its products without being counter-productive. This demand has not spared the pro-change sector of the Zimbabwean society; unfortunately, the same proponents have been found wanting when their institutions come under the same challenge for change that they advocate for.

Robert Mugabe has been the sole occupant of the highest office in the land since independence. Time has demanded that there be separation of powers – he was found wanting mostly because there are certain interests that he could not sacrifice. Times demanded that there be a competent and knowledgeable cabinet – he was found wanting because he had a cocoon of loyalists which he had to appease for him to cling to power. Today we have people like Emmerson Munangagwa, Didymus Mutasa, Stan Mudenge and many more who have traversed through different ministries in the past 29 years despite glaring evidence of incompetence that they have exhibited. Had Mugabe left maybe his replacement could have been more able to cope with these demands than him.

Lovemore Madhuku, the current chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly took over the reigns from Morgan Tsvangirai. In 2006 when his two terms were up he called for the amendment of the constitution to allow him to stand for re-election after changing the length of the terms of office. Whilst NCA was formed out of a genuine desire to represent the interests of the people, the failure to cope with the demands of time again have eroded the posture of this institution. Today, it can be argued that it no longer commands the same follower-ship as it had in 2000.


The same crisis seems to be eroding the credibility and effectiveness of the International Socialist Organisation in Zimbabwe where Munyaradzi Gwisai has stayed at the helm of the institution for longer than necessary. Although ISO-Zim claims that Gwisai has never been in the highest office of the institution, it baffles the mind how he could have made authoritative statements on behalf of the organization if he was only a librarian. The scuffle in January 2009 that resulted in the arrest of some of the members only serves to affirm the need for leadership renewal at the institution.

Internationally, we can draw inspiration from the recent events in Botswana, Mozambique, Ghana, South Africa and the US. Public opinion is as fluid as the demand for change itself and a failure to read the trends might result in unprecedented consequences. Thabo Mbeki is a good example. He went to Polokwane with an intention to perpetuate his hegemony in ANC and he was embarrassed. South Africa has to thank its people’s impervious vigilance otherwise it could be wallowing in stagnation.

Locally, we have evidence of what renewal of leadership can bring to organisations. Although Mcdonald Lewanika is the founder co-ordinator of Students Solidarity Trust, he recently passed the baton to Masimba Nyamanhindi and it seems he has acquitted himself well. The same can be said of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition and ZIMCODD.

This challenge also falls on the Movement for Democratic Change. Without clearly pointing out whether anybody has to leave or not, the demands of time may put a burden on the party to renew its leadership in line with the metamorphic demands of the present-day challenges. Chairman Chitepo co-opted Kumbirai Kangai, Josiah Tongogara and Rugare Gumbo into Dare ReChimuenga to specifically cater for contemporary demands.

In conclusion; when Dr Madhuku was confronted on the question of his extended stay at NCA, he said:
"You see, to some of us, the idea was not the amendment of the constitution. This was a strategy to continue the fight for a new democratic constitution. Someone can’t just come from nowhere and claim to be the leader of the NCA. That’s not possible."

Aldof Hitler in his book, Mein Kampf contends;
“For this reason it is necessary that a movement should, from the sheer instinct of self-preservation, close its lists to new membership the moment it becomes successful. And any further increase in its organization should be allowed to take place only with the most careful foresight and after a painstaking sifting of those who apply for membership. Only thus will it be possible to keep the kernel of the movement intact and fresh and sound. Care must be taken that the conduct of the movement is maintained exclusively in the hands of this original nucleus. This means that the nucleus must direct the propaganda which aims at securing general recognition for the movement.”

The question is; where are we headed for?